Orban The Great Hungarian: State Media Control & Propaganda
- Podrobnosti
- Napisal Komunal.org
- Kategorija: Intervjuji
- Objavljeno 16 November 2017
-eng below-
Vlada premiera Orbána Viktorja si je uspela s pomočjo pajdašev velekapitalistov podrediti malodane vsak medij na Madžarskem. Medijsko poročanje je sinhrono z željami in aspiracijami vlade, ki si prizadeva vzpostaviti iluzijo o homogenemu in odločnemu narodu, brez notranjih antagonizmov, a s kopico sovražnikov in tujkov znotraj narodovega telesa.
Vse od tranzicije je desnica na Madžarskem poudarjala nujnost razbitja, v njihovih očeh, levo-liberalne medijske hegemonije. Projekt je vstopil v novo fazo leta 2010, ko je Orbánu, po parlamentarnih volitvah, uspelo sestaviti konservativno-krščansko koalicijo z dvotretjinsko parlamentarno večino.
Posledično je vlada lahko poljubno sprejemala in spreminjala zakonodajo in jo tudi je. Zakoni so se izdajali po tekočem traku, no novo so napisali tudi ustavo. Na področju medijev je to pomenilo ustanovitev »nadzornega sveta«, ki naj bi predvsem preverjal »uravnoteženost« poročanja in postavljal direktorje javnih medijev. V primeru neupoštevanja navodil in smernic poročanja, ki jih postavlja nadzorni svet, sledijo najprej denarne sankcije, v skrajnem primeru pa tudi odvzem licenc.
Hkrati z nadzorovanjem in nadlegovanjem »levo-liberalnih« medijev so oligarhi in poslovneži blizu vladajoče garniture, počasi a vztrajno, prevzemali medijsko pokrajino na Madžarskem. To so omogočili razni dejavniki, predvsem pa »zelo ugodni« krediti državne banke, umik tujih medijskih hiš po finančni krizi 2008, ustrahovanje in razni drugi pritiski na »levo-liberalne« lastnike medijev, »umazani« dogovori in posli, itd. Najbolj odmeven primer tovrstnih »umazanih« praks prevzemanja medijev, je bilo zaprtje najbolj branega opozicijskega časnika Népszabadság (slov. Ljudska svoboda) jeseni 2016, kjer so si »desni oligarhi« prisvojili medijsko hišo, ki je izdajala časnik.
Za večino medijev, z razliko redkih neodvisnih spletnih portalov, bi lahko trdili, da funkcionirajo kot propagandna trobila vladajočega političnega razreda. Tako sta onemogočene funkcije kritike in »škandala«, ki bi odpirale prostore javne diskusije in dvoma v politike in prakse vladajočih. Dve funkcije propagandnih trobil pa sta legitimacija vladnih politik in ustvarjanja ugodnega družbenega ozračja in pa demoniziranje in preganjanje opozicije.
Od »Dolgega poletja migracij« 2015 naprej so Madžarski mediji dežurni propagandisti vladne narative, po kateri so migracije osrednji varnostni in civilizacijski problem (bele) krščanske Evrope. Potemtakem pri migracijah gre za kulturni oz. civilizacijski boj, kjer je maloštevilna populacija avtohtonih Evropejcev izpostavljena močnejši in enotnejši »muslimanski« civilizaciji. Po vrhu pa migracije niso dojete kot avtonomen pojav gibanja ljudi, temveč gre za vele(judovsko) zaroto pod vodstvom ameriško-madžarskega milijarderja in filantropa Georga Sorosa, ki tako skuša destabilizirati suverene narode Evrope z namenom prevzeti finančne trge. V tem duhu so borke in borci za solidarnost z migranti, tako kot vsa ostala »levica«, obravnavani kot izdajalci in agenti tujih sil. Pri tem imajo mediji ključno vlogo, saj organizirajo lov na čarovnice, s tem ko posameznike in skupine interpretirajo kot nevarne in škodljive, kar podpihuje sovraštvo prebivalstva.
Medtem ko revščina, brezup in brezperspektivnost vse večjega dela madžarskega prebivalstva, tako kot brutalnost birokratsko-represivnega aparata naraščajo, mediji ustvarjajo fikcijo velikega, enotnega in harmoničnega naroda, kjer so za stanje v državi krivi nevarni tujki, ki kontaminirajo družbo. Odgovor je na dlani, družbo je treba braniti.
---ENG---
The government of Prime Minister Orbán Viktor managed to gain control over almost all media in Hungary with the help of big corporations. Media reporting is synchronous with the wishes and aspirations of the government, which is trying to establish an illusion of a homogeneous and determined nation, without internal antagonisms, but with a host of enemies and foreigners within the nations body.
From the transition on, the right-wing in Hungary stressed the necessity of breaking up, in their eyes, left-liberal media hegemony. The project entered into a new phase in 2010, when Orbán, after the parliamentary elections, succeeded in forming a conservative-Christian coalition with a two-thirds parliamentary majority.
Consequently, the government could freely introduce and change legislations, and it also did. New laws were issued on a regular basis, they also wrote a new Constitution. In the field of media, this meant a creation of a "supervisory board", which is suppose to check if reporting is "well-balanced"and appoint directors of public media. If any media fail to comply with the instructions and reporting guidelines set by the supervisory board, first monetary sanctions follow, and in extreme case, they would withdraw the licens.
While they were controling and harass the "left-liberal" media, oligarchs and businessmen close to the ruling coalition, slowly but steadily, took over the media landscape in Hungary. This was facilitated by various factors, in particular the "very favorable" loans of the state bank, the withdrawal of foreign media houses after the financial crisis of 2008, intimidation and various other pressures on "left-liberal" media owners, "dirty" agreements and business , etc. The most known example of this kind of "dirty" media takeover practices was the closing of the most prominent opposition newspaper Népszabadság (People's freedome) in the autumn of 2016, where the "right oligarchs" appropriated a media house that was publishing the newspaper.
For most media, except rare independent online portals, we could claim that they function as propaganda bmachines of the ruling political class. Thus, the possibilities of critique or "scandals" are blocked, that normally open the premises of public discussion and doubt in the policies and practices of the ruling. Thus the two functions of propaganda machines are legitimation of government policies and a creation of a favorable social climate for them, and the demonization and persecution of the opposition.
Since the "Long Summer of Migration" of 2015 on, the Hungarian media are front-line propagandists of the government narrative, according to which migration is the central security and civilization problem of (white) Christian Europe. Therefore, in the case of migrations, it is a cultural or a civilization battle, where a population of few autochthonous Europeans are exposed to a stronger and more unified "Muslim" civilization. Migration is not seen as the autonomous phenomenon of people's movement after the summit, but it is a (Jewish) conspiracy led by the US-Hungarian billionaire and philanthropist George Soros, who is trying to destabilize the sovereign nations of Europe in order to take on financial markets. In this spirit, fighters for solidarity with migrants, like all other "leftists", are treated as traitors and agents of foreign forces. In doing so, the media play a key role in organizing witch hunts by interpreting individuals and groups as dangerous and harmful, which encourages the hatred of the population.
While poverty, hopelessness and the lack of prospects of Hungarian population is increasing, with also the brutality of the bureaucratic repressive apparatus on the other hand gain strength, the media is creating the fiction of a large, homogeneous and harmonious nation, where dangerous foreigners are contaminating the country. The answer is at hand, society needs to be defended.